Liberty Enlightening the World as a Very Bitter Joke

Assigned Works and Authors

Watch President Biden's farewell address, and read my essay. 

Joe Biden, "Farewell Address to the Nation"

Rodney Swearengin, "The Statue of Bigotry: Liberty Enlightening the World as a Very Bitter Joke"

Essay Preparation

Before completing the essay assignment below, complete any exercises assigned from the Essay Preparation page. 

Essay 

MAIN QUESTION 

James Baldwin said that the "Statue of Liberty is simply a very bitter joke." Is that right? 

PROMPT

Carefully read the work assigned above. Then answer the "main question" above in the form of an argumentative essay. Is Baldwin correct in claiming that the Statue of Liberty, and all that it stands for, is a joke? In your essay, explain what Baldwin means. And then logically argue why you agree or disagree with him. Maybe your opinion is something like that of President Biden. As you make your argument, do so in a way that should be well understood by one of your fellow students on campus that has not watched President Biden's farewell address, or read my essay on the "Statue of Bigorty." Note that in the essay I do not say whether I agree or disagree with Baldwin. So, don't waist effort trying to figure that out; it's nothing to do with the assignment. 

WORD COUNT

250 - 750 Words. The minimum word count is just for your guidance. The maximum is a strict cut-off. Do not go above the maximum word count. 500 words is approximately one page, but we are interested in an exact word count. Count the words in the body of the essay. The title, footnotes and the like are not part of the word count. 

MINIMUM NUMBER OF QUOTES

At least one quote is required, coming from my "Statue of Bigotry" essay, or from President Biden's farewell address. Keep in mind that the main question you are to answer is about Baldwin's remark. So, it would be most natural to quote Balwin's remark. You can included more quotes, including quotes from sources not assigned. Take a look at the works I cite in my essay (by way of links). They might be helpful in articulating your argument. 

RUBRIC

Follow the Rubric. This is the entire basis of your grade. 

Fukuyama on Enlightened Creedal Nationalism

Assigned Works and Authors

In Francis Fukuyama's essay "Against Identity Politics," he argues in favor of a "creedal national identity" founded upon Enlightenment ideals. So, in preparation for reading Fukuyama, it is important to get a relatively firm grasp of what Enlightenment ideals are. The most authoritative statement of Enlightenment ideals is the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen proclaimed by the French National Assembly on August 26, 1789. You will see that it is similar, but more consistently argumenative, than the American Bill of Rights. Note how Abbé Raynal's notion of "natural liberty" is consistently appealed to in the readings other than Fukuyama's essay. Please read those before reading Fukuyama. And when you get into Fukuyma, keep in mind the question of how "unailenable" "natural liberty" fits in with Fukuyama's argument. As you complete the readings, follow the order of the listing here. Note that they are in chronological order. 

1. Abbé Raynal, Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies (1770) 

2. Representatives of the United States of America, Declaration of Independence, 1776

3. National Assembly of France, Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, August 26, 1789 

4. First Congress of the United States, Bill of Rights, September 25, 1789 

5. Francis Fukuyama, "Against Identity Politics: The New Tribalism and the Crisis of Democracy" 

Essay Preparation

Complete any Essay Prep Exercises assigned. 

Essay

MAIN QUESTION

Is Fukuyama's recommendation of a "creedal national identity" self-contradictory? 

PROMPT

In your essay, give a brief description of Fukuyama's prescription for a "creedal national identity," and why he thinks that this is the best way to address the current crisis of identity politics. But focus your analysis on the question of whether or not Fukuyama's envisioned creedal nationalism is logically self-contradictory. He proposes that the US and European countries make new immigrant citizenship contingent on adherence to a national creed based in Enlightenment values. But one of the major Enlightenment ideals is the belief in free speech (see numbered paragraphs 10 and 11 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen within the context of the entire document, and "Amendment I" of the Bill of Rights). As Fukuyama himself says, "Liberal democracies are committed to protecting the right to say virtually anything in a marketplace of ideas, particularly in the political sphere." Yet his recommendation is that anyone expressing political ideas that might challenge the values of what he considers be a "liberal democracy" should be denied citizenship. Similar to the way that Ken Cuccinelli wanted to deny citizenship to any migrant that might utilize public benefits, Fukuyama wants to deny citizenship to any migrant that might engage in political discourse that he wants to forbid. Under "creedal nationalism," every naturalized citizen must, as a matter of law, conform — at least in speech, despite what the First Amendment says — to some set of "creeds" — some set of doctrinal political ideas. But according to Englightenment values there are supposed to be some natural human rights that are "unalienable rights" — rights that cannot be taken from any human being by some law, or by any other means. Can Fukuyama's creedal nationalism truly be enlightened? You should see the potential contradiction here. 

In your essay, explain how Fukuyama's program might be self-contradictory. But then also consider how Fukuyama might not see it as a contradiction. And finally give your assessment. Is it really self-contradictory? 

As you start to write your essay, here is something to think about: Would Fukuyama want to deny citizenshp to someone who has said — like James Baldwin — that the American notion of liberty is a "very bitter joke?" Liberty is an Enlightenment value. But to disallow political speech in the vien of James Baldwin's thinking seems downright un-American — and, more to the point, un-enlightened. How do we make sense of what Fukuyama is saying? —Or can we? 

WORD COUNT

500 - 1,000 Words. Stick to the maximum. 

MINIMUM NUMBER OF QUOTES

Two quotes are required, at least one from Fukuyama. You can include additional quotes from sources other than those assigned. Cite all sources, even when summarizing or paraphrasing. 

RUBRIC

Follow the Rubric. 

Class Consciousness

Asad Haider's book was originally entitled "Mistaken Identity: Race and Class in the Age of Trump." When we read Haider in the next section of the course, we will see that he advocates for a genuinely leftist form of indentity politics that builds solidarity among individualizing identity groups through class consciousness. He emphasizes that the concepts of "race" and "class" must be kept thoroughly distinct — and that "race" should be treated with a great deal of philosophical skepticism. He argues that "class" is a much more fundamental feature of identity, and that it can contriubute to a universal sense of identity to be held in common not only among all Americans (as Fukuyama would have it), but also among all human beings internationally. 

In preparation for Haider, I want you to right now think about the meaning of "class," and to develop your own "class consciousness." 

Assigned Work and Author

Rodney Swearengin, "Class Consciousness"

Essay Preparation

Complete any assigned Essay Prep Exercises. 

Essay

MAIN QUESTION

According to Swearengin's definition of "class" within our capitalist society, to which class does your household belong? 

PROMPT

Respond to the main question above in terms of the definitions of the three social classes described in my essay "Class Consciousness:" (1) the working class, (2) the capitalist class, and (3) the middle class. Give a cogent argument that logically supports your answer to the question. Make sure that you are following my definition of class. You can introduce some other definition of class, if you think it is particularly relevant to answering the main question in relation to my definition. But you must primarily answer the question in terms of my definition. 

Please note that in my definition of class it is a household that belongs to one class or the other. It is not possible for one member of a household to belong to one class, and another member of the same household to belong to a different class. 

Also note that Fukuyama gives a definition of "working class" in "Against Identity Politics." But here again, Fukuyama's conception is certainly convoluted — and maybe self-contradictory. 

WORD COUNT

250 - 1,000 Words. 

MINIMUM NUMBER OF QUOTES

At least one quote from my essay is required. Cite all sources, even when summarizing or paraphrasing.

RUBRIC

Follow the Rubric.  

Authentic Identity Politics and Class Analysis

In this section of the course we are going to read the first five chapters of Asad Haider, Mistaken Identity. 

Like Francis Fukuyama, Asad Haider launches an extended critique of identity politics. Like Fukuyama, he sees certain forms of contemporary identity politics as problematic, needing to be set aside in an effort to mobilize mass-scale progressive politics. However, Haider's critique is much more nuanced and cogent. In particular, Haider gives a good history of identity politics, tracing its emergence out of radical activism in the 1970s. He also takes care to logically demonstrate the legitimacy of early identity politics. 

In general, we will see that Haider is authentically on the left — where Fukuyama is no leftist. Leftists subscribe to a generally socialist perspective on politics. Leftists have a pro-social form of politics — as opposed to the alternative. And fundamental to leftist socialist politics is class analysis. In Mistaken Identity, Haider takes race as his key example of an identity that comes into play when dealing with identity politics. He clearly distinguishes race as an identity from class as an identity. And then he goes on to argue that class analysis and class consciousness are essential in addressing the current crisis of identity politics. 

Whereas Fukuyama argues for an ideological program dictated by the state that is assimilationist, nationalistic and exclusionary — Haider argues for a scientific class analysis of society that will bring genuine solidarity among culturally diverse groups through growing class consciousness. As the people of society become more and more conscious that the vast vast majority of them are working class, they can use that common identity as a bond that unites them across all the diverse identities that make Anglo-American culture (as his primary example) so rich and vital. 

As you read through Mistaken Identity, pay attention to the way in which Haider is focused on distinguishing class and race — where race is used as a specific example of an identity that can be devisive within our current climate of identity politics. Also pay attention to the way that Haider conducts his class analysis vis a vis race and other similarly narrow identities. And final pay attention to the way that Haider presents class consciousness as a solution to our current crisis of identity politics. 

Assigned Works and Author

Read the first five chapters of Asad Haider's book, Mistaken Identity: Race and Class in the Age of Trump. There is a newer edition, but you can use either edition. Chapters 1 through 6 are the same in both (as far as I can tell). And we are only going to read those chapters.  

1. "Identity Politics" (Chapter 1, available here) 

2. "Contradictions among the People" (Chapter 2)

3. "Racial Ideology" (Chapter 3)

4. "Passing" (Chapter 4)

5. "Law and Order" (Chapter 5)

Essay Preparation

Complete any assigned Essay Prep Exercises. 

Essay

MAIN QUESTION

Is Haider's program of raising class consciousness a better solution to our crisis of identity politics than Fukuyama's recommendation of a creedal national identity? 

PROMPT

Fukuyama proposes that the US and European countries promote a common identity within each nation by imposing ideological conformity among its new immigrants through governmental legislation. Is this better than Haider's suggestion that the people of the various nations engage in class analysis in order to show that they already have a common identity as working class people? Or is Haider's program of raising class consciousness better? 

WORD COUNT

750 - 1,500 Words. 

MINIMUM NUMBER OF QUOTES

Three quotes are required. 

RUBRIC
Follow the Rubric.  

Insurgent Universality

Assigned Works and Authors 

The National Assembly of France wrote a revised version of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen in 1793. What is the difference between the two versions? Massimiliano Tomba finds a great deal of difference, seeing in the 1793 revision a historical missed opportunity for western political thought. In the 1793 revision, Tomba finds the notion of an "insurgent universality" that is distinct from the traditional "juridical universality" of liberal thinkers. Pay close attention to that distinction. Tomba thinks that if political philosophers had paid closer attention to the insurgent universality found in the 1793 Declaration, then leftist politics today would be on firmer ideological footing. In the final chapter of Mistaken Identity, Haider embraces and champions insurgent universality as a political framework for thoroughly addressing the issues he has analyzed in the earlier chapters. 

1. National Assembly of France, Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen from the Constitution of the Year I (1793) 

2. Massimiliano Tomba, 1793: The Neglected Legacy of Insurgent Universality 

3. Asad Haider, "Universality," Chapter 6 of Mistaken Identity 

Essay Preparation

Complete any assigned Essay Prep Exercises. 

Essay

MAIN QUESTION

Is "insurgent universality" a valuable political concept? 

PROMPT

Briefly describe insurgent universality, and then critique it. What is "universality" in general, and what is distinctive about "insurgent" universality? Do you believe that natural universal human rights exist? Is insurgent universality better than juridical universality? Is Haider right when he claims that insurgent universality is needed to address issues of identity politics? Is insurgent universality needed to build a mass movement that will combat racial ideology? Could insurgent universality help in upholding the "unalienable rights" of people living in our multicultural United States? Is insurgent universality a good foundation for honoring human rights around the world? Make sure your argument coheres with the fact that the US has traditionally violated universal human rights (as with African Americans) and continues to blatantly do so (as with Palestinians under US-Israeli occupation). 

WORD COUNT

750 - 2,000

MINIMUM NUMBER OF QUOTES

Four quotes are required from the assigned works. 

RUBRIC
Follow the Rubric.